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Journalism of Courage
May 16 is annually commemorated as Sikkim Day, marking the former kingdom’s integration with India in 1975. On its 50th anniversary, Prime Minister Narendra Modi extended his greetings to the people of Sikkim on X, and said, “Sikkim is associated with serene beauty, rich cultural traditions and industrious people. It has made strides in diverse sectors. May the people of this beautiful state continue to prosper.”
How did Sikkim become a part of India almost three decades after Indian independence? We recall the history.
The kingdom of Sikkim was established in 1642, when, according to one account, three Tibetan lamas consecrated Phuntsong Namgyal as the first ruler or Chogyal of Sikkim. The monarchy of the Namgyal dynasty was maintained for the next 333 years, until 1975.
Sandwiched between India and China, and often party to conflicts over land with Bhutan and Nepal, the British colonisation of India first led to a semi-formal relationship between the two states. The British saw Sikkim as a buffer state against China and Nepal.
A formal protectorate was established over Sikkim through the Treaty of Tumlong in 1861, meaning the British had control over it, but it was not officially under their rule, and the Chogyals could continue holding onto power.
Other official treaties followed: The treaty of Titaliya in 1817 gave the British authorities several commercial and political advantages in Sikkim. The Calcutta Convention of 1890 demarcated the border between Sikkim and Tibet, and was signed by Viceroy Lord Lansdowne and Qing China’s Imperial Associate Resident in Tibet. The Lhasa Convention of 1904 affirmed the Calcutta Convention.
After India’s independence, princely states had the option to accede to India or Pakistan, and in certain cases, like those of Hyderabad, Junagadh and Kashmir, where a decision was not immediate, led to greater confusion. Such was the case with Sikkim, thanks to a unique relationship with British rule.
Venkataraghavan Subha Srinivasan writes in his book, ‘The Origin of India’s States’, about Sardar Vallabbhai Patel, who was tasked with the integration of princely states and met with more than 550 kingdoms’ heads before August 15, 1947. Patel and BN Rau, the constitutional adviser to the Constituent Assembly, wanted to integrate Sikkim with India by having the then Chogyal Tashi Namgyal sign the Instrument of Accession. Nehru was also cognisant of the unique situation in Sikkim.
India believed it should take control of defence, external affairs and communication subjects for Sikkim. Until this was finalised, Sikkim was to sign a Standstill Agreement to maintain the status quo.
Meanwhile, there was at least some demand within Sikkim to develop closer ties with India. Srinivasan’s book says that ethnically, Sikkim consisted of three communities, the Bhutias, Lepchas and Nepalis, of which the Nepalis formed the largest group. Three political parties, the Sikkim State Congress (SSC) led by a Bhutia man, the Praja Mandal (PM) that had Lepcha leadership and Praja Sudharak Samaj (PSS) was led by a Nepali, passed a resolution in December 1947 demanding a popular government, the abolition of landlordism and accession to India.
A delegation of SSC and PM leaders also met Nehru, who said Sikkim should “grow according to its own genius.” Years later, PN Dhar, the Principal Secretary to PM Indira Gandhi, recalled that she said “in very clear terms” that her father had made a mistake in not heeding the wishes of the people of Sikkim to merge with India.
After SSC-led protests in Sikkim in 1949, the king appointed an Indian officer as the diwan or chief minister, along with an advisory committee with SSC representatives.
In 1950, the Indo-Sikkim Treaty was signed, making Sikkim an Indian protectorate. It would not be sovereign, as India controlled its defence, external affairs and strategic communications. India also secured exclusive rights to build infrastructure, and Sikkimese people would travel abroad with Indian passports. Sikkim would have “Internal autonomy”. Additionally, a clause gave India overriding powers in cases of security threats.
Sikkim’s state council or assembly had some elected members and others nominated by the king. In the early years, it saw some political tussles over the representation for various communities, and the Chogyal’s reluctance to let go of his control.
The 1960s and 1970s would see several events change the course of Sikkim’s status. First, a split in the SSC led to the formation of the Sikkim National Congress (SNC) in 1960. The party would go on to play a crucial role in accession.
There was also a change in political leadership on both sides, with the death of Nehru in 1964 and of his successor, Lal Bahadur Shastri, in 1966. Then Chogyal Tashi Namgyal died in 1963, and Maharaj Kumar Thondup succeeded him, planning to leverage this period of change to seek an independent status for Sikkim.
For new Indian PM Indira Gandhi, her position weakened after the 1967 general elections that saw her return to power with a reduced majority in the Lok Sabha. This was also after the India-China war of 1962, where India lost. It made it all the more important to contain skirmishes between Indian and Chinese troops on the Sikkim border. The two states decided to alter existing wording to indicate a “permanent relationship” between them, but the Chogyal wanted further clarity on Sikkim’s independence.
This was slowly becoming unacceptable to the Indian leadership, which by the early 1970s, decided to back pro-democracy forces in Sikkim – such as Kazi Dorji of the SNC.
Former R&AW officer Sidhu noted in his book ‘Sikkim: Dawn of Democracy’ that an Indian delegation went to Gangtok in 1973 as head of a small R&AW team, to inform the Chogyal of Chinese activities. But his real charter was to liaise with the Sikkim Congress, provide them with assistance and advice in the final, by then, aim of Sikkim’s merger with India.
Former Indian Ambassador to Nepal, Deb Mukharji, recalled that Sidhu recounted “in detail his efforts to unify the pro-democracy and pro-merger political forces in Sikkim, which also happened to represent the majority.”
Anti-monarchy protests grew in Sikkim in 1973, following which the royal palace was surrounded by thousands of protesters. Indian troops arrived after the monarch was left with no choice but to ask New Delhi to send assistance. Finally, a tripartite agreement was signed in the same year between the chogyal, the Indian government, and three major political parties, so that political reforms could be introduced.
In 1974, elections were held, where the Sikkim Congress led by Kazi Dorji won. That year, a new constitution was adopted, restricting the monarch’s role to a titular post. A referendum was held in 1975, where two-thirds of eligible voters participated. Here, 59,637 votes were cast in favour of abolishing the monarchy and joining India, with 1,496 voting against.
Within a week, India’s Ministry of External Affairs introduced the Constitution (Thirty-Sixth Amendment) Bill in the Lok Sabha to recognise Sikkim as a state in the Union of India. This was passed in the Parliament and assented to by President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, coming into effect on May 16, 1975.
Sikkim’s new parliament, led by Dorji, proposed a Bill for Sikkim to become an Indian state, which was accepted by the Indian government. Notably, China only gave de facto recognition to the integration in 2003. It later released maps showing Sikkim as part of India. However, during the Doklam stand-off between India and China in 2017, its state-run media outlets threatened to change their stance.
“Although China recognized India’s annexation of Sikkim in 2003, it can readjust its stance on the matter. There are those in Sikkim that cherish its history as a separate state, and they are sensitive to how the outside world views the Sikkim issue. As long as there are voices in Chinese society supporting Sikkim’s independence, the voices will spread and fuel pro-independence appeals in Sikkim,” said Global Times at the time.
This is an edited version of an explainer first published in 2023.
