So what if the Samajwadi Party ditched the Congress today leaving it stranded in UP. The key rewrite in the party’s 2004 manifesto, released today, is on coalitions with the Congress abandoning its ‘‘never-working-coalitions’’ and replacing it with ‘‘determination of (our) allies.’’ While the party’s manifesto unlocks the gates of populism by calling for no new taxes, a new job guarantee act, a job for every family, on reforms, it advocates the nebulous ‘‘selective privatisation.’’ The key rewrites from 1999: • Visual: Narasimha Rao’s photo appears alongside those of Nehru, Indira, Rajiv. In 1999, he was missing. Whether that translates to anything tangible—a Lok Sabha ticket — isn’t known yet. • Political: The 1999 Congress manifesto slammed coalition politics. ‘‘Experience has shown that coalitions have never worked at the Centre. The choice now is between a coalition that has failed miserably and a cohesive Congress alternative,’’ the manifesto had said. In 2004, it embraces coalition politics and talks at length about Congress and its allies. ‘‘The Congress has joined hands with like-minded political parties in different states.The Congress and its various allies are united in their determination to defeat the BJP.’’ • Old BJP vs New BJP: In 1999, the thrust of the manifesto’s attack on the BJP was how it ‘‘sacrificed, in the short term, its sectarian and divisive ideology in the pursuit of political power.’’ In 2004—after Gujarat—BJP is accused of using the NDA as a mask. ‘‘Hiding behind the facade of the NDA, the BJP is misleading the people of our country. It has not given up its divisive aganeda.’’ • Naming Vajpayee: The 1999 manifesto did not target BJP leaders. This time round, the Congress has attacked PM Vajpayee and Advani. It accuses Vajpayee of displaying a ‘‘singular lack of consistency and clarity on major national issues’’ and indulging in doublespeak on Ayodhya, the carnage in Gujarat, relations with Pakistan and negotiations with different groups in Jammu and Kashmir. Advani is criticised for taking office at the time he was being arraigned before a court of law and the Liberhan Commission. • Not blaming Bihar, UP: In the 1999 manifesto, the lack of development and social transformation was blamed on Bihar and UP state governments. In 2004, however, in the climate of alliances, the approach is different. On Bihar and UP, the manifesto says: ‘‘While state government have the final responsibility for governance.the Centre has still an important role in ensuring that the lagging states improve their performance through fiscal and other policies.’’ • Job rabbit out of the hat: On employment, the 1999 manifesto talked about creating 1 crore jobs a year and sustaining economic growth at 7 to 8 per cent per year for a decade. This year, the job target remains the same but ambition is scaled up: growth 8 to 10 per cent. • Minorities, representation to reservation: In 1999, on minorities, focus was on increasing representation in public, police and paramilitary services. This time, the focus is on maintaining communal peace and a law on social violence. Reservation is also a issue with the manifesto promising to extend reservations for economically deprived belonging to communities that are at present not entitled to such reservation. • History matters more: The 2004 manifesto gives an overview of 45 years of Congress achievements over two pages while the 1999 manifesto only mentioned it in parts.
