America calling Respond in kind to the new goodwill

In diplomacy the name, it seems, is half the game. And Thomas Pickering's is a name that signifies a fine sensitivity to Indian sensibiliti...

In diplomacy the name, it seems, is half the game. And Thomas Pickering’s is a name that signifies a fine sensitivity to Indian sensibilities. That gave the former American Ambassador an initial advantage in visiting India in his new avatar as US Under-Secretary of State for Political Affairs. But there is more to the success of his visit than personal credentials. It worked, in spite of the all too plain differences on particular issues, because it reiterated that the second Clinton administration has rethought its India policies in a way that does more justice to this country.

Pickering’s visit, good in its own right, positively shone in comparison with that of the British Queen and Foreign Secretary. It could hardly do otherwise. But the contrast is important because it shows how easy it is to trip even in a friendly relationship. It highlights the importance of India and the US keeping up the momentum lately acquired in a relationship that has often been too close to the edge. Happily, it was kept up. The thrust of Pickering’s talks here was the same as in the talks between Gujral and Clinton. It was underlined that America has no aggressive desire to mediate on Kashmir, only a wish to see the matter constructively addressed.

Disagreements remain on proliferation and disarmament, but the US is now listening to rather than talking at India. And it is willing to let the wider relationship proceed regardless. On the differences on Security Council expansion, India is right to oppose rotating permanent membership for some. But America’s refusal to back specific countries bar Germany and Japan is consistent policy, not discrimination against any one country.

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America is no longer telling India to do specific things, but is seeking a constructive response on its various concerns. For India, this will consist in acknowledging that America, as the only remaining superpower, has genuine and legitimate concerns in South Asia. The US may no longer be over-eager to mediate between India and Pakistan on Kashmir. But it does expect that the two countries should themselves find some means of defusing tension. On non-proliferation and disarmament, India’s strategic interests may inhibit it from obliging America on the CTBT and Fissile-Material Cut-off Treaty.

But it can work on showing that it is no blanket naysayer and is willing to engage in discussions. Its accession to the Chemical Weapons Convention was a positive step. Even so, non-proliferation and disarmament will remain contentious because they do involve a fundamental conflict of interest. The important thing is to not let the bilateral relationship be bogged down by it. Finally, the US has made what is for India the all-important demarcation in its dealings with India and Pakistan. It has indicated that both are independently important to it, rather than its relationship with India being subservient to the one with Pakistan. India should now work on outgrowing its own Pakistan complex, and treat its relationship with the most important country in the world independently of the importance America attaches to Islamabad.