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Journalism of Courage
India and China could take a great leap forward during Prime Minister Vajpayee’s visit to that country next week, but a joint declaration between the two sides was not likely to include a Chinese recognition of Sikkim or even the possibility of border trade across the Nathu La pass in India’s north-eastern state.
Even as officials from both sides were tonight putting the final flourishes to a declaration that will come to pass after 12 long years and the passage of many high-level visits in between, the possibility of a voluntary Chinese recognition of Sikkim seemed to have considerably diminished.
A Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson had only this week admitted that both sides were ‘‘having and would continue to have helpful discussions’’ on the Sikkim issue.
Highly placed sources here, with intimate knowledge of the quid pro quos involved in the Sikkim-border trade issues in recent years, said the same had been ‘‘very much part of the issues on the table’’ in the runup to the PM’s visit to China.
Meanwhile in Beijing this week, the spokesperson also insisted that both sides would also ‘‘talk about the border issue’’ during Vajpayee’s visit and that in fact both sides could find a ‘‘just and reasonable way’’ to resolve it through the principle of ‘‘equal consultations, mutual understanding and mutual accommodation and mutual adjustment.’’
The latter phrase is the exact one used by Chinese president Hu Jintao to Vajpayee in St. Petersburg three weeks ago. Officials here indicated that even though it was not particularly helpful for Beijing to reiterate it again and again, the fact was that the PM’s visit to China after ten long years was creating some ‘‘interesting dynamics’’ in the region.
‘‘Whatever our differences, we certainly cannot close the door to a big nation like China,’’ they said.
The officials also admitted that the Sikkim-border trade face-off, in the offing in some form or another for about ten years now, had been thoroughly aired in recent weeks as well.
Turns out that Beijing, long considered a consummate strategist in the eyeball-to-eyeball games that nations often play, may have finally been unable to make New Delhi blink in this instance.
Simply put, China wanted India to allow border trade across Nathu La at Sikkim, pointing out that the passage of people with goods who would have their travel documents stamped at the Indian outpost would in fact constitute de facto recognition of the state being an integral part of India.
South Block mandarins said that when the negotiations first started they proposed a plus-plus approach, where Beijing could voluntarily recognise Sikkim’s accession to India. They pointedly told the Chinese that it was the only country in the world still refusing to do so.
In turn, Beijing is believed to have replied that they would like to deal with this issue ‘‘in the Chinese way.’’ That is, short of de jure recognition of Sikkim, they would offer de facto recognition through border trade.
But the MEA mandarins were having none of it. New Delhi pointed out that trade anywhere across the borders, even between Tibet and Sikkim was most welcome, but that China would first have to fully and unconditionally also make a ‘de jure’ part of India.
Analysts here pointed out that in the struggle ‘‘between the purists and the pragmatists in the foreign office, the purists won.’’
Some also felt that during the PM’s trip, Chinese officials could still use the many public opportunities to refer to Sikkim. That could also constitute the ‘‘Chinese way,’’ they said.
