
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee opened the sluice gates to a flood of criticism when he stoutly defended the Ayodhya movement "as an expression of the national feeling which is yet to be realised", and gave a clean chit to three of his chargesheeted cabinet colleagues. In whitewashing the controversial Ayodhya movement, he stepped outside the proverbial Lakshman rekha. In other words, he violated the trust the people by going beyond the bounds of the national mandate provided to the NDA government-led by him. The common minimum programme of the NDA, as reflected in its election manifesto, it must be recalled, clearly mentioned that the Ram Janambhoomi-Babri Masjid controversy, the extension of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir, and such other contentious issues, will not be raked up. Yet, the prime minister chose the eighth anniversary of the Ayodhya controversy to make a rather provocative statement, which borders on being nationally divisive, on a issue that has already been referred to the highest courtof the land.
After having repeatedly maintained that the government will abide by the Supreme Court’s verdict on the temple controversy, there was hardly any immediate reason for the prime minister to make such outrageous statements. Vajpayee is otherwise known for his moderation, patience and ability to negotiate amongst conflicting interests. The Opposition’s campaign on Ayodhya, which led to Parliament being adjourned for three consecutive days, would have died a natural death if a debate had been permitted in Parliament and the law was allowed to take it own course. The parliamentary deadlock can hardly be the main reason for the prime minister’s adventurism. It seems that the prime minister was also under pressure from hardliners within the Sangh Parivar. Unfortunately, Vajpayee’s statements are now only going to prolong the ongoing government-Opposition deadlock in Parliament.
In defending his three senior cabinet colleagues — Lal Krishna Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Uma Bharati — Vajpayee has shown a similar impatience. His attempt to give them a clean chit — that they were in Ayodhya on the fateful day only to "protect the disputed structure" — runs counter to the evidence presented in the CBI’s chargesheet, in which the three ministers are charged with a “criminal conspiracy” to demolish the Babri Masjid. Here, too, the prime minister should have allowed the legal process to speak for itself. As the leader of a disparate coalition comprising two dozen political parties, Vajpayee certainly faces an unenviable task. Pressures seem to be building on both the economic and social front — particularly from the RSS. Vajpayee has coped rather successfully on the economic issues, by not giving in to the demands of the swadeshites. While negotiating social demands, less successfully perhaps, he has worn two hats: The secular one, as leader of the NDA; and the saffron one, asleader of the BJP. Under these constraints he should keep this talisman in mind: He is the prime minister first, the leader of the BJP only second.


