For the first time the government is paying earnest and sustained attention to attune the bureaucracy to the requirements of a modern democracy. Among the most important of the proposals mooted in this regard are: the need for greater specialisation of the IAS officers, laying down a code of conduct for the civil services, lowering the entry age for All India and Central Service officers by prescribing secondary school certificates as the eligibility qualification, weeding out the under-performers, and so on. It is the last two proposals which attracted the maximum media attention.
The initiative is, no doubt, very welcome, as it is much easier to mould the mind of a 19-year-old, than one ten years his senior. But to what extent are these reforms “radical” and how would they improve the performance of these officers? This new breed of civil servants will be certainly better trained for the job when they get their field assignments. But as you learn swimming only after getting into the water, an administrator’s real education begins only after he starts dealing with the people. Without detracting from the merits of such a measure, it is obvious that selection and training processes by themselves cannot produce even reasonably good public servants.
Here we may take note of two basic factors which largely determine a public servant’s performance. First is the entire structure of laws, rules, regulations and procedures. Many of them — some dating back to the Raj — have been amended from time to time. But this patchwork of upgradation obviously retains their original spirit. The legal apparatus of a country not only defines the parameters of governmental functions and activities, it also embodies the social philosophy and value system of a society. Even in its benign mode, the colonial system visualised a polity where the state was the mai-baap of the people, and it knew best what was good for them. It is not just a coincidence that the empowerment of the people has been such a slow process in post-Independence India. So, one should be very clear that unless our archaic laws, codes and procedures are completely re-written, no amount of administrative reforms will make a radical difference to the bureaucracy’s character and efficiency.
It is the next reform which will be most vital, and also the most tricky. Irrespective of the level and quality of his training, an administrator has to work among the people and interact with their leaders. It is a universal experience in India that honest officers find it very difficult to discharge their duties properly. Often they are hounded from pillar to post, taken out of the mainstream of the administration, and given “punishment”’ postings. This happens as there has arisen a basic conflict between the interests of the people and that of their leaders. Whereas the people are interested in fair and impartial administration, a legislator or a local bigwig is interested mainly in nursing his constituency and building his war chest. This means dispensation of favours, nepotism and the patronage of corrupt officials.
In several states the local MLAs and MPs have been officially given quotas of transfers they can use if they are not happy with collectors, SPs, or other officials of their districts. Attractive posts carry a heavy price tag. In this sort of environment the training of bureaucracy or reform of the legal system can only have limited utility. Reforming this domain of public administration is not only a humongous task, it requires a very strong political will which is almost impossible for a coalition government to muster, given that every alliance partner insists on its pound of flesh.
For the sake of argument, let us assume that all these reforms are honestly implemented and we have the right persons in the right places. Will that give us an honest and efficient bureaucracy? Whereas every reform move will confer incremental benefits, the most vital improvements will still be lacking. Our ever expanding, highly bloated bureaucracy is the greatest single threat to good governance. Rendering the decision-making process transparent is another pressing imperative of clean administration. And, lastly, a fool-proof system of accountability is an equally important requirement. One hopes the government will pay serious attention to them.
Incidentally, except for the domain where an official has to directly interact with the political class, all other reforms lie entirely within the government’s purview, and their implementation will be exceedingly popular with the masses.