For a man who hates politics, he is probably one of the few people who partly decides the fortunes of power seekers in Rajasthan. Before politicians got around to wooing the voter, they spent hours in Dr Gyan Prakash Pilania’s Jaipur house, wooing the former director general of Rajasthan police who also happens to be the public face of the Jat Mahasabha in the state. Lying on his bed, which has been his world since he met with an accident in 1993 and became a paraplegic, he has played host to senior Congress and BJP leaders and held numerous discussions with his fellow Jats. ‘‘Earlier, mostly Congressmen walked into this house and sat by my bedside,’’ says Pilania. ‘‘In fact, Ashok Gehlot and his wife have spent many hours here and I had a good relation with them. I didn’t know the BJP at all. But I must admit the Maharani (Vasundhara Raje) has charmed us all.’’ Pilania adds that one of the reasons his son, Navin, got into politics this time was purely because of Vasundhara Raje’s charm. Though his son is fighting on a BJP ticket, Pilania brushes aside all allegations about being ‘‘bribed into supporting the BJP’’. However, one of the highlights of the poll 2003 in Rajasthan was a few days ago when Pilania swung into action, rolled out his wheelchair and categorically announced that the Jat Mahasabha had decided to support the BJP in these state elections. As always, Pilania made headlines. Traditionally Congress voters, the shift in the Jat mood meant fresh political calculations a week ahead of D-day. ‘‘The new slogan for the Jats is Congress harao, aarakshan bachao (Defeat the Congress, safeguard your reservation),’’ says Pilania. ‘‘There will be many who vote otherwise, but 75 per cent of the Jats are going the BJP way.’’ Pilania adds that one of the most important reasons for this swing has been that the Jats believe ‘‘Ashok Gehlot is fighting a proxy war against them’’. Many Jats believe that organisations like the Social Justice Front have been propped up by Gehlot to ensure that reservations for Jats under the OBC category are taken back. The Jats have always felt betrayed since Gehlot was sworn in as chief minister in December 1998. And with the CM ‘‘dilly-dallying’’ on giving them the promised OBC status, they have finally lost patience. ‘‘But we never rebelled,’’ Pilania points out. ‘‘We still maintained our relations but now we feel threatened again.” As he keenly follows the fortunes of the campaigners this time, Pilania often recalls the beginning of his political affair. After 35 years in police force, Pilania’s plunge into politics was sudden and dramatic. And the man loves telling the story. ‘‘I got involved on an issue,’’ he begins slowly. ‘‘This was in 1990 when the Mandal Commission recommendations were accepted by the VP Singh government. Ahirs, Gujjars, Malis, Bhumihars and many other farming communities got OBC status but the Jats were conspicuous by their absence. By 1995 this had become a social issue and I was approached by the community to help them get their due. They told me it was my duty to lead them. I couldn’t say no.’’ Having said that, Pilania quickly adds that for him, the whole thing is a quagmire, which he hopes to get out of this time. ‘‘I hope it is my last brush with politics,’’ he says, suddenly sounding tired. ‘‘Today, I just want to spend all my time praying.’’
