
The largest district in lower Himachal has always been a virtual keg at every election, charged with electoral buzz and powerful enough to alter political fates. This time is no different. Ahead of the elections to 65 Assembly seats in the second phase of polling, slated for December 19, Kangra is back in focus. This time, Kangra, which comprises 16 seats, is alive with the issue that has haunted it for several years now—discrimination in development and jobs. The only difference is that the feeling of coming to power at any cost seems to be overwhelming—a sentiment that has placed the BJP in an advantageous position compared to the Congress.
The BJP is well entrenched in Kangra after five years of the Congress rule. Kangra is also home to former chief minister Shanta Kumar, one of BJP’s chief ministerial choices, if the party returns to power. Shanta Kumar lost the 2004 Lok Sabha election and did not stake claim in 1998—when Prem Kumar Dhumal replaced Virbhadra Singh, joining hands with the Sukh Ram-led Himachal Vikas Party, which had won five seats.
Virbhadra Singh is at the receiving end not because he “discriminated” against Kangra. On the contrary, he pumped in more funds in the region than elsewhere in the state, but he failed to share political power with the Kangra ministers: Vijai Singh Mankotia, Chandresh Kumari and Brij Bihari Butail were dropped during the 2004 Cabinet downsizing.
Mankotia, who has often raised the bogey of regionalism, rebelled against Virbhadra Singh, accused him of corruption, quit the party and now leads the Bahujan Samaj Party in the polls. This is the first time that Mayawati—after her social engineering card paid off in UP—is trying to gain a foothold in the state, which has almost always seen a two-party contest. Mankotia’s exit from the Congress is possibly a greater loss than the Government’s efforts to bridge the regional divide.
None of the populist measures—construction of the new Rs 10 crore Vidhan Sabha Complex at Dharamsala, the decision to hold the Assembly’s winter session in Kangra or the chief minister’s 40-day winter move—have succeeded in given the Congress an edge.
“What is required in Kangra to bridge the regional divide is the restoration of people’s faith in the leadership. If the leadership starts creating doubts or ignores the popular sentiment, it creates a feeling of bias,” says Jairam Thakur, state’s BJP chief.
Besides Kangra, the adjoining districts like Hamirpur, Una, Bilaspur, Chamba, Kullu and Mandi are also echoing similar sentiments. This block of 48 Assembly seats has now become crucial for the BJP. Though the party doesn’t have a major foothold in Shimla, Solan and Sirmaur districts can be significant.
Virbhadra Singh, ever since he became chief minister in the early 1980s, has faced charges of regional disparities during every election. Earlier, it also related to the development and share of government jobs, but now “power to rule” is a bigger sentiment.
In 2003, the Congress won 12 seats in Kangra, but later lost one (Guler) in a by-election to the BJP. It’s a fact that the party which wins more than 10-11 seats in Kangra comes to power in Shimla.
Similarly in 1998, when Dhumal became chief minister, Kangra and Hamirpur tilted the balance of power from the Congress to the BJP.
Dhumal too was not spared by his own party ministers and legislators—who threatened pull the rags out of Dhumal’s feet, if he didn’t give Kangra due importance.


