Keeping faith with the shepherd-prince

Exactly a month after the riots, India went to polls. From Bhagalpur, Chun Chun Yadav—a Janata Dal candidate with Jan Sangh antecedents—was elected with 85 per cent of the votes. Congress ended a distant second with 15 per cent. It was an election in which the BJP, JD, CPM—which has a strong presence in Bhagalpur—all voted together. Socially, the Muslims and the middle castes—Yadavs, Kurmis and Koeris—voted together. When the perpetrators and the victims of the riot joined hands, spectators were hurt the most.

The Muslim-Yadav combination across UP and Bihar, that routed the Congress and prevented BJP’s consolidation, may still hold the sway, but the bond has weakened. Under the Laloo governments, several cases of the Bhagalpur riots have resulted in conviction. But still across Bihar the mood among the Muslims is one of resignation.

‘‘It is lack of alternative that forces the Muslims to vote along with the Yadavs,’’ says Dr Farooq Ali, a teacher at the Bhagalpur university. This sentiment finds echoes across the state. The strategic voting by Muslims— voting in order to defeat the BJP—may be less active this time; the queues of Muslim voters may be shorter this time and there are reasons.

After Bhagalpur there have been no riots in Bihar and lesser insecurity among its Muslims. But the vote in exchange of a riot free governance has a diminishing appeal.

The last decade has seen the collapse of the handloom sector, displacing an estimated five lakhs Muslim artisans. Dalits and Muslims have also been the receiving end of local RJD leaders’ power. Laloo’s gestures of tokenism such as his recent announcement to appoint one Urdu-speaking inspector in every police station, are increasingly being viewed sceptically.

‘‘These are promises which will never materialise,’’ says Syed Irfan Ahmad of Vaishali. And he believes Vajpayee’s offer of friendship is worth considering. ‘‘We have not forgotten Gujarat. If the BJP is genuine in its gesture, it must be demonstrated first.’’

This poll is too soon for the Muslims to vote BJP. But not too soon to vote for its allies. This is a new strategic pattern the Muslim voters may adopt. The logic is that the BJP’s influence within the NDA should decrease. If, for instance, TDP or the JD(U) gain more leverage, that would be a speedbreaker in the way of the Hindutva storm troopers.

‘‘BJP allies are no longer untouchable for the Muslims,’’ says Dr Ali. Despite these changes, most Muslims will still vote for Laloo. But there may be fewer Muslim voters this poll. And Laloo’s challenge lies in enthusing them to vote.