Kingmaker all dressed up, nowhere to go

playing even harder to get from this morning. He was getting into a much tougher bargaining position. He was shaping up for a long mind-game.

In the evening, he sent over his party leaders—Ranjan Yadav and Suraj Bhan among others—to submit a list of his MLAs to Governor Buta Singh along with a note saying the party would not extend support to either the RJD or NDA.

Paswan was not going to reveal his card, not even to his band of loyalists. He planned to attend the birthday of a party colleague’s daughter this evening.

‘‘Don’t fix any programme between 8 and 10 pm,’’ he told his aides. He had already come down a notch from yesterday’s demand for President’s rule. ‘‘What about all secular forces minus RJD supporting the Lok Janashakti-JD (U) combine? That would be non-communal and non-RJD,’’ Paswan explained.

How did he expect JD (U) leader Nitish Kumar and his legislators to dump BJP after a relationship that has held together without major hitches for almost a decade? Paswan did not know. He only said: ‘‘I am aware that the Left and the Congress have problems with the JD(U). But they will have to understand this is a vote against the RJD. Bihar does not want either communal or corrupt forces.’’

He shrugged, ‘‘If that option fails, we could have President’s rule. No Laloo.’’ But was that really his last word? Paswan’s politics has not really been without instances of questionable opportunism. From 1996, he had not been out of power till the Godhra violence in 2002. His journey from the non-BJP, non-Congress Third Front to the BJP-led NDA was not really one that underlined ideological commitment.

Even when he finally put in his papers after Godhra, he had been reduced to a less significant political player in the NDA hierarchy. His career wasn’t going anywhere.

Some of his supporters sweating outside under an unforgiving sun agreed it was a difficult situation, ‘‘The Muslim-Yadav combination might feel let down if he goes over to the BJP. If he sides with the RJD, another section of that same Muslim-Yadav electorate, which is tired of Laloo’s antics, might be terribly disappointed,’’ they argued.

In effect, nobody is going to understand Paswan’s political compulsions, his long-term dreams of capturing that political space in Bihar which largely belongs to Laloo even now. After all, the RJD has won 74 seats on its own and Paswan only 30. The LJP leader is yet to travel a distance along the secular path before he convinces the minorities he is the new protector.

What if RJD replaces Rabri Devi? ‘‘I can’t betray a mandate that is against the RJD,’’ Paswan argued. What if the RJD proposes the name of a compromise Muslim nominee? ‘‘Out of the question. Muslims now wonder if Laloo’s Muslims are really secular.’’

But Paswan is well aware that Laloo is desperate. He smiles as he rubbishes suggestions he is after the railway minister’s job. ‘‘Why should I hanker for it?’’ he asks. The hint is obvious: he has already enjoyed a stint in Rail Bhavan. The LJP knows it has the keys to a goldmine. The railway minister’s job is hardly a suitable price.

Has Laloo spoken to him? ‘‘Not yet,’’ said Paswan. He is talking to my friends. It does not matter. I won’t talk to him even if we are on the same flight.’’ He confuses things again by suddenly remembering, ‘‘I am going to the UPA dinner meeting tomorrow. I may probably take the morning flight out of Patna.’’

Outside, the impatience is palpable. Everybody is discussing a way out including a possible alliance with JD(U)-BJP. More supporters whisper that Nitish is more accommodating than Laloo.