Naxal-taming, without success

Even as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh asserted at the chief ministers’ meet on internal security...

Even as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh asserted at the chief ministers’ meet on internal security that “we need to cripple the hold of Naxalite forces with all the means at our command”, Naxalism isn’t about to disappear. The Dantewada jailbreak of December 16 has been followed up with a spectacular Maoist ambush that killed 12 policemen four days later in this south Bastar district. There is also the disconcerting news which has its origin in Jharkhand that the central committee of CPI (Maoist) has earmarked Rs 30 crore per annum to upgrade its arms manufacturing units and procure rocket launchers, mortars, hand grenades and other weapons. Obviously, the governments at the Centre and in the states have an onerous task at hand to quickly find an antidote to this rapidly spreading cancerous ‘virus’; it is immaterial whether a ‘Pashupati-to-Tirupati’ red corridor is being built or not.

However, though the PM admitted that “often, the lack of development and the lack of any prospects for improving one’s lot provide a fertile ground for extremist ideologies to flourish”, his prescription was to set up a special task force for Naxals. This reflected two things. First, the government has its back to the wall against the Naxals and it is hard-pressed to create a coordinating mechanism in the Naxal-affected states, an intricate task that requires creating a symphony out of discordant notes. Second, despite the realisation that the development deficit is feeding the Naxal rebellion, the government has no clue to how to deliver on this front quickly.

In fact, the administrative measures taken by the ministry of home affairs so far reflect uncertainty rather than self-assurance. Nearly half a dozen committees have been formed between 1998 and 2006 by the MHA, yet no credible roadmap has emerged. A coordination centre headed by the Union home secretary was formed to review Naxal activity in 1998. On October 7, 2004, a joint task force chaired by the special secretary (IS) was created to deliberate on more effective steps. A Chief Ministers’ Conference on Internal Security and Law and Order held in April 2005 led to a standing committee chaired by the Union home minister and consisting of the chief ministers of 13 Naxal-affected states. A Naxal management division was created by the MHA in October 2006, “to effectively tackle the Naxalite menace”. Aside from these four, an inter-ministerial group headed by an additional secretary has been created in the MHA to review, monitor and ensure the implementation of the government’s scheme for socio-economic development. A meeting of chief ministers held in September 2006 decided to set up an empowered group of ministers, headed by the home minister and comprising select Union ministers and chief ministers, to closely monitor the spread of Naxalism and develop effective strategies. These do not include the measures undertaken by the affected states.

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The prime minister referred to two deficits that have aggravated the ‘revolutionary’ violence: in the internal security apparatus and in the management of development. Neither of these has developed overnight and neither can be quickly bridged.

Desperate and disoriented steps are visible in the former, the latter defies any such measure. The police from affected states are being trained in a specially set up commando warfare school under the army instructors in Kanker in Chhattisgarh. Andhra Pradesh’s Greyhound is being hailed as a model. But law and order being a state subject, the uneven performance of the police in various states in terms of both efficiency and human rights create tremendous difficulties.

Obviously, this means that the Centre will have to involve itself in large measure, but the modalities are likely to be tricky.

Paradoxically, local exploitation and the development deficit have led to Maoist insurgency for over six decades, but lately the Maoist outfits have been resisting development, as it threatens their entrenchment. Indeed, being equated with modern-day terrorists — which Naxals term a rightwing activity — is not a pleasant thought for those who have led the Telangana, Naxalbari and Srikakulam movements, seen as the three glorious phases of ‘revolution’ in India for the Maoists. However, as they desperately hold on to their ‘liberated’ zones and attempt expansion with violent strikes, they have to face the question of accountability for the sake of people they claim to be fighting for.

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As for the government, it is aware of developmental paradoxes at the root of Naxalism. The question is whether it has the resolve to address them. A beginning can be made if it can intervene to correct the development deficit along with security measures that are people, not state, oriented.

The writer is director, Centre for Public Affairs, Noida drmehra@vsnl.com