Nine ways to look west

To be able to secure our growing interests in the western neighbourhood — from energy security to counter-terrorism — India will have go beyond ad hoc responses to individual crises. It must define what we might call a ‘Look West’ policy. Here are nine possible elements that could go into it.

The first is an independent approach to the region. Too often an ‘independent foreign policy’ has been defined as simply opposing Washington. Even Iran with all its hostility to the ‘Big Satan’ doesn’t buy that line. The Bush administration and the Islamic Republic of Iran, for example, were the two cheerleaders of Saddam Hussein’s hanging. India’s interests in the region stand on their own. Nor is the US policy a static one. So long as the US remains the principal power shaping the region, New Delhi must find ways to maximise regional cooperation with the US, where our interests converge and minimise the negative consequences when they diverge.

The second is a commitment to omni-directional engagement. The arc of crisis is beset by severe internal contradictions. Given their multiple interests in the Middle East, great powers do not take sides between Arabs and Israel, the Shia and Sunni, or even Kabul and Islamabad until it becomes absolutely unavoidable. India too must shed its past ideological approach and focus on pragmatic engagement of all sides.

The third is sustained diplomatic outreach. For all his travels around the world, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has not found time to visit our western neighbours, barring once to Afghanistan. The last time an Indian external affairs minister visited Saudi Arabia was in 2001. Forget ministers, secretary-level officers from the MEA have not visited many African countries for decades. The PM and the foreign minister need to frequently show the flag and listen to the rulers in our western neighbourhood during 2007.

The fourth is about leveraging the Islamic. India’s links to its western neighbours are multifarious and include the cultural, political, economic and religious. If New Delhi has the political imagination, the Indian Muslim community, instead of being seen as a political entity, could easily become a potent force in India’s ‘Look West’ policy.

The fifth is the centrality of Pakistan. Whether we like it or not, normalisation of relations with Pakistan holds the key to a successful ‘Look West’ policy. Whether it is in gaining overland access to Afghanistan and Central Asia, ensuring India’s energy security, expanding ties with the Gulf, or limiting the threat of Islamic extremism and terrorism in the subcontinent, cooperation with Pakistan is essential. Dr Singh should no longer delay his already much delayed visit to Pakistan. He must not only explore ways to resolve such bilateral disputes such as Jammu and Kashmir but also seek to promote regional security along with Afghanistan.

The sixth is an enduring commitment to stability in Afghanistan. Preventing a destabilisation of Kabul by the Taliban has already emerged as one of the highest priorities for India’s national security strategy. As Pak-Afghan ties sink to lower depths, India faces a new tension between improving ties with Pakistan and strengthening the Karzai regime. The answer must necessarily lie in New Delhi taking the initiative for a triangular political and economic cooperation and encouraging Islamabad and Kabul to limit their conflict.

Seventh, accelerate economic integration. New Delhi’s policy inertia has allowed Beijing to steal a march over it on economic integration with Pakistan, the Gulf and Africa. Fast-forwarding free trade negotiations with the six-nation Gulf Coordination Council, overcoming obstacles to economic cooperation with Pakistan, and raising India’s commercial profile in Africa must be at the top of the agenda for a ‘Look West’ policy.

The eighth element is defence diplomacy. As conflicts deepen in our western neighbourhood, many nations would look towards increased security cooperation with New Delhi. India, in turn, needs an active engagement with the armed forces of the region, which should include arms transfers. India also needs new guidelines on when it would deploy its armies in the region. India has a long tradition of sending troops to the Middle East and Africa on peacekeeping missions. It will now need to relate military missions with national interest in a more fundamental manner.

Finally, cope with territorial changes in the Gulf. Since the American occupation of Iraq, India has consistently stood for the unity and integrity of Iraq. So has much of the world and the Bush administration, at least until now. That does not necessarily mean Iraq will hang together for ever amidst the expanding sectarian divide. If it does not, the region could be drawn into a wider conflict that could tear up the territorial map of the Middle East drawn up by Britain and France after the First World War. While hoping for the best, India’s ‘Look West’ policy must be prepared to deal with the worst in the region.