Travel back to October 3, 2002, and to the UCO Bank, Itanagar branch. NN Osik, the director of civil supplies, Arunachal Pradesh, opens an official account with an initial cash deposit of Rs 100. The next day, Osik opens a personal savings account in the same branch with an initial cash deposit of Rs 200. According to records available with The Indian Express, on October 4, Rs 7 crore is deposited in account No 4,655 (the official account). Four days later, Rs 9 lakh is deposited in Osik’s personal account. This becomes a routine. Whenever a hefty deposit to the official account is made, the personal account grows fatter too. Between October 4, 2002, and July 16, 2003, Osik’s bank balance rose to Rs 2,85,59,167 (Rs 2.95 crore)! On February 14, 2003, Osik’s account reported a deposit of Rs 97 lakh. Two years ago, the state government received a complaint from West Kameng district that the Seppa Cooperative Consumers’ Multipurpose Society was irregular in supplying PDS items. After sitting on the complaint for two years, the government referred the matter to the police in April 2005. The police found that the Cooperative Society had paid, Rs 9 lakh to Osik by cheque. Soon enough, the police discovered Osik’s personal bank account, where he had been meticulously depositing what appeared to be bribes. His deposits corresponded with HTS payouts to contractors, which were made by his civil supplies department. Osik’s two residences were raided on April 14, the police registered a case (FIR number 06 of 2005). Osik — he has since changed his name to N Lego — has been transferred as director, geology and mining. He has not been arrested yet, probably for fear he may implicate too many people. The HTS racket would have happily continued had two social activists, Bamang Anthony and Domin Loya, not filed a public interest petition before the Gauhati High Court in October 2004. Anthony and Loya, in their PIL (no 50/2004), alleged rampant corruption in the distribution of foodgrain to the tribal people of Arunachal Pradesh under various programmes — including the PDS, the Below Poverty Line and Old Age Schemes, the Antyodaya Anna Yojana and Sampoorna Gramin Rojgar Yojana. Anthony and Loya made three points. • One, in most instances foodgrain is distributed only on paper and payments drawn on the basis of forged bills. • Two, in several cases, the total foodgrain shown to be distributed is way more than can be consumed by the local population. • Three, it is simply not possible to transport such huge quantities by trucks and headloads in such short periods, as shown in official records. Anthony, chairman of Arunachal Citizens’ Rights, and Loya, vice-chairman of the NEFA Indigenous Human Rights Organisation, also alleged that a major chunk of the subsidised foodgrain meant for the tribals is actually sold in the black market, primarily in Assam. False bills are submitted, payments for which are ‘‘obediently released’’. To understand why, go study Osik’s bank statement. FCI SCANDAL PART I FCI SCANDAL PART III FCI SCANDAL PART IV
