Relooking at Pak, eyes wide shut

The events surrounding the September 11 terrorist attacks have once again changed perceptions of Pakistan in the west. For a while it seemed that the pendulum had swung towards Pakistan emerging as the ‘chosen one’ in the region. But as the initial emotionalism dies down, one can discern a duality of perception among western states vis-a-vis Pakistan. It is a state both worthy of being engaged and viewed with concern. The explanation resides in the changed understanding on Islam’s place in global politics, the linkages between economic development and militancy and the plurality of views on Islam within Pakistani decision-making circles and the civil society.

During the 1990s, western states predominantly viewed Islam through the prism of Samuel P. Huntington’s theory of a civilisational clash. It was seen as distinct and even antithetical to ‘western values’. This was despite the fact that a number of western states maintained close relations with Muslim states.

The image of Islam, and hence of Muslim states, has become a bit more nuanced after September 11. Instead of viewing Islam in monolithic terms, a distinction is increasingly being made between liberal/secular and orthodox Islam. Taking a cue from the US, western states are accepting the need to engage governments and societies that subscribe to liberal Islamic ideas in a struggle against Islamic militants.

Pakistan is a beneficiary of this nuanced approach to Islam. General Musharraf has projected Pakistan as a state committed to liberal Islamic agenda. He was quick in altering the course of Pakistan’s Afghanistan policy by severing links with Taliban and participating in the US-led ‘War on Terrorism’. He has also attempted to crackdown on Islamic militants, and to steer the deeni madaris away from Islamic orthodoxy by emphasising the need to ’live in the new century’. Add to this his statements urging the Muslim Ummah to move out of the era of technological ignorance and dormancy, and it is clear as to why the west has adopted a positive attitude towards him, and by extension, Pakistan.

A deeper understanding of the nexus between economic underdevelopment and Islamic militancy has also facilitated a positive western attitude towards Pakistan. With a total population of 140 million and near bankruptcy, Pakistan has been one of the main contenders for militancy among its youth. Young unemployed Pakistani men have been willing to join militant outfits in exchange for a promise of heaven and a monthly salary of 6-8,000 rupees. It is obvious that if this trend is to stop, Pakistan needs to be assisted in the process of economic development.

The willingness to engage Pakistan coexists with a sense of concern about this populous Muslim state. The extent to which the liberal-Islami ideas have replaced Islamic orthodoxy among the decision-making circles is not fully clear. Although General Musharraf neatly sidelined Islamist generals just before the US attacks on Afghanistan began, there is no guarantee that the lower echelons have also been rid of orthodoxy. Nor is it possible to confirm that the ISI has changed its colours and given up the idea of operating as a state within the state with its own brand of Islamic transnationalism.

The political scene in Pakistan also causes some concerns among western states. Not that the nature of the regime prevented the US or others from establishing a good relationship with Islamabad. But the manner in which General Musharraf has sought to seek legitimacy through his April 30 referendum has created some unease among these states.

What stands out for ordinary citizens in western states are images of Pakistan as that ‘wild place’ which needs to be avoided. These images draw upon the news of the assassination of Daniel Pearl, the attack on a church in Islamabad and the recent suicide bombing in Karachi, which killed 11 French citizens. These images do not take into account the fact that, given the porous nature of Pakistan-Afghanistan border, it was inevitable that some members of al -Qaeda and Taliban would enter Pakistan. Nor do they fully appreciate the impact of continued Indo-Pakistani tensions on Pakistan’s ability to monitor its western borders.

The long-term impact of these mixed perceptions can be detrimental to security in South Asia. A western policy of engaging Pakistan but with concern is bound to affect the prospects of foreign investment in Pakistan. This may impact upon the prospects of economic development necessary to prevent Pakistani youth from opting for Islamic militancy as a way of life. It will also limit Islamabad’s ability to move away from its traditional policy of supporting the ‘‘freedom struggle’’ in Kashmir.

A need, therefore, exists for western states to reassess their views of Pakistan. If it is to be engaged in a relationship, it must be done with sensitivity. This is not to recommend putting concerns about Islamic militancy aside. But a need definitely exists to persevere despite the negativity that is a result of a generation of economic mismanagement, political instability and politically-motivated used of Islamic orthodoxy in Pakistan.

Dr Samina Yasmeen is a Senior Lecturer at the Political Science School of Social and Cultural Studies, The University of Western Australia