When Independent MLA Raghuraj Pratap Singh alias Raja Bhaiyya was booked under POTA and sent to jail by Mayawati in November last year, his circle of influence was limited to this Assembly segment. But 10 months in jail have converted the man known for his pond full of crocodiles into one of Uttar Pradesh’s big fish.
With Mulayam Singh Yadav revoking the POTA case against him, Raja Bhaiyya is set to come back to his constituency as a main leader of the state’s Thakurs. Given that the community is 5,000 to 15,000 strong in each of the 402 Assembly segments
THE SECOND COMING: Raja Bhaiyya
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Lying in the VVIP ward of the Civil Hospital in Lucknow — where he was transferred from his cell even before Mulayam had formally taken over as CM — Raja Bhaiyya has been receiving visitors like Union Agriculture Minister Rajnath Singh and Samajwadi Party general secretary Amar Singh, apart from hundreds of Thakurs who are queuing up to see the man who took on Mayawati.
While used to such swing of fortunes in UP, officials here are bracing for what might be in store now that the man and his family whom they targeted at Mayawati’s behest is all set to return. The ones among them with contacts are lobbying for transfers.
The officer heading a probable hit-list is Pratapgarh District Magistrate Mustafa, who played a key role in seizure of the MLA’s multi-acre land — including the crocodile pond — and its renaming as the Ambedkar Bird Sanctuary. Already under Z-plus security cover, Mustafa has sought more protection.
Also apprehensive is local kotwali in-charge Paramhans Mishra. ‘‘We in police have to sing the tune of our master,’’ he admits. ‘‘Mayawati wanted to damage Raja Bhaiyya’s property and we carried out the directive…
Now we will follow what the new government will instruct us.’’
If that doesn’t help his case, Mishra has kept ready Raja Bhaiya and father Uday Pratap Singh’s criminal history, which no one disputes runs long. If the son has 38 cases against his name, the elder Singh is an accused in 52 cases.
In the days following Raja Bhaiya’s booking under POTA, officials had shown recovery of an AK-56 rifle and seizure of countless weapons, cash and jewellery to the tune of crores from his palaces at Bhadri and Beti.
But Mayawati failed where it would have hurt Raja Bhaiya most. The hastily coined Ambedkar Sanctuary remains that just in name. Her government made no changes at Raja Bhaiya’s bastion, apart from installing an Ambedkar statue at the spot, with a foundation stone that reads: ‘‘This impossible job could be done following inspiration from Ambedkar.’’
In fact, while the plaque claims Mayawati laid the foundation stone, she never visited the place. ‘‘The inauguration was on paper,’’ admits Chedi, the guard at the sanctuary. Even if Mayawati was serious about the plan, she would have found few souls brave enough to tackle the potholed road leading up to the place.
The BSP supremo wasn’t able to dent Raja Bhaiya’s hold on the local people either. The MLA’s victory margins have been rising with every Assembly election here since 1990, when he first won the seat.
Deaf to all arguments about the MLA’s criminal record, Ram Naresh Pael, a Kurmi resident of Balipur village, asserts: ‘‘He holds darbars and delivers instant justice, provides money for marriages of our daughters and is available whenever we need him.’’
Apart from the BSP, the BJP also stands to lose because of Raja Bhaiya’s hold on the Thakurs. He has been associated with the party as an Independent since 1997, when he was a minister in the Kalyan Singh government. The Thakurs, including some BJP MLAs, are angry at the party still refusing to intervene on Raja Bhaiya’s behalf with former ally Mayawati.
It’s no wonder then that the MLA himself can afford to be generous, and modest. Denying that Kunda is in for another bout of revenge politics, Raja Bhaiya says: ‘‘Revenge? For what? I experienced the jail term because that perhaps was my destiny at the time. Now I am back to politics and will be helping the SP if I can.’’