Say it, forget it

The year is 1996. Jayalalitha Jayaram has no friends. Almost every political party is calling her names. The Congress in Tamil Nadu splits after national leadership decides to ally with the woman many think institutionalised corruption and sycophancy. It’s tough to tell friends in such times, but Jayalalitha knows one is her most dangerous enemy: Subramanian Swamy. He lodged the complaint that has led to a DVAC probe into her “hidden millions”, and even a short arrest. Swamy had “dug up” otherthings: her “links with the LTTE”; and in 1995, her government’s “failure to uphold the Constitution and corrupt practices”.

So strong is the enmity that Swamy claims the Jayalalitha government wanted him in jail for just three hours so that a “sinister plan to internally injure and incapacitate him could be carried out”. The AIADMK leader reacts with a series of defamation suits.

* AFTER

Swamy stands between Atal Behari Vajpayee and Race Course Road. How? Jayalalitha refuses to send the AIADMK’s letter of support to the BJP till Swamy, now one among so many friends, is made the Union finance minister. For a day, she even threatens to keep out of government but later, changes her mind. Swamy, meanwhile, is fretting and fuming again.

* BEFORE

It is the summer of 1996. Mamata “the rebel” Banerjee is finding that title a little hard to live up to. Sitaram Kesri may be a “bandicoot”, but what is life without the Congress?

She has already rejected the CPI(M) as a “swornenemy”. When someone suggests Mamata may be just that bit inclined towards the BJP, she fumes. This is misinformation spread by the saffron front, she claims. According to Mamata, she, along with the CPI(M), is determined to stonewall the “progress of the fundamentalist BJP”. For anyone still doubtful, she calls the BJP a “big threat to the secular traditions and integrity of the country”.

* AFTER

Like Jayalalitha, Mamata is busy pulling off deals. She made her peace with the BJP after she split from the Congress. Sure, the Trinamool Congress leader once called the BJP “fundamentalist”, but now she knows better. “How can a party recognised by the EC be termed so?” Mamata demands of critics.

* BEFORE

The year 1996 is drawing to a close. Those famous Rs 3 crore have just been recovered from Sukh Ram’s residences. He has a vague idea of whom the money belongs to, but others are pretty sure, among them the BJP.

The party stalls proceedings in Parliament for more than a weekdemanding action against the then Congress leader. Its MP Ram Naik wants a House panel probe against Sukh Ram. In the Congress leader’s home State, Himachal Pradesh, BJP MLAs come to the Assembly with fake currency notes pasted on them as a protest statement.

Later, as other scams come tumbling out, the BJP gets an assurance from the Himachal Revenue Minister to cancel the “illegal” allotment of land to the former telecom minister and his relatives. The party also forces Sukh Ram’s son Anil Sharma, who is facing a CBI probe, out of the State Cabinet. Much earlier, it had been Vajpayee who had led a PAC probe into the sugar scandal and indicted Sukh Ram.

* AFTER

Sukh Ram’s crores may be gone but his fortunes have swung around. In the Lok Sabha where a single seat goes far, his Himachal Vikas Congress (HVC) has won one. The BJP has discovered truth in Sukh Ram’s explanation of the infamous raids, and has wooed him over. He has said yes, and given the BJP a chance in the hung House in Himachal aswell.

Anil too is making a comeback, as the joint BJP-HVC nominee for the lone Himachal Rajya Sabha seat. But what can the poor BJP do? “It’s the tied-in-knots poll verdict,” explains State party leader Prem Kumar Dhumal.

* BEFORE

It is the winter of 1997. Another general election is looming as “easy come, easy go” Kesri has pulled down one PM and is preparing to have a go at another. The Left is working overtime to save the UF government, with the CPI(M)’s H.K.S. Surjeet logging the maximum hours. But these aren’t his heydays, what with I.K. Gujral ready to do his own deals to stay prime minister. Rumour goes one of the plans is to invite the Congress to join the government. Surjeet scoffs. “There is no such offer,” he declares, “nor will there be any such offer in the future.”

After the polls are finally declared, the Left’s anger increases. When Sonia Gandhi makes an entry into the campaign arena challenging rivals to reveal the names of Bofors recipients, CPI general secretary A.B.Bardhan says: “She has done us a favour by attacking us on Bofors. Now we can put her in her place.”

The Congress, meanwhile, is doing its own poll introspection. Says CWC member Jitendra Prasada: “If we expected to gain by supporting the UF, then it has been a great disappointment. It has only further weakened our party.” Orissa Chief Minister J.B. Patnaik goes one step further: “The UF has become a liability for the Congress. We can’t afford to carry it any longer.”

* AFTER

The BJP has the numbers, well almost, but the Congress and Left are not giving up. Or at least many among them aren’t. They are ready to shake hands and forget dumped prime ministers and Justice M.C. Jain’s 17-volume epic. Alliance is fine, Sonia or not. Quotes of camaraderie are plenty, even comrades are wishing Sonia, formerly “the housewife”, good luck.

* BEFORE

Gizmos apart, the TDP’s Nara Chandrababu Naidu knows it is passion that wins elections. And he is quite passionate on one subject: the BJP. Theparty, he feels, is “only interested in demolishing mosques”; has no programme for the poor; and has “joined hands with the Congress to checkmate the TDP”.Will he ever support its government at the Centre? Naidu doesn’t think so. On February 1, 1998, he declares in Madanapalle: “The BJP has hurt the feelings of over 12 crore minorities and forfeited its right to rule.” Ten days later in Ongole, he is more equivocal: “The TDP will not support the BJP to form a government if it falls short of a majority.”

The BJP can’t be bothered. It feels the TDP has “outdone previous Congress governments in corrupt practices” and promises the people it will order a CBI inquiry into the charges against Naidu if voted to power.

* AFTER

Passion and promises are history. Logic is what counts, and logic says Assembly elections are coming next year in which the BJP — however “dangerous” — can help him, the Congress can’t. So the UF convenor rings up the President of India to say that his party will notvote against Vajpayee.

This is how things stand while we go to press. If someone leaves someone and goes along with someone else tonight, we should not be held guilty of inaccuracies. One night is a long, long time in Indian politics. Anyway, readers are welcome to update this document.