The military takeover in Pakistan has focussed Indian attention on that country. A group of us from New Delhi had an opportunity to visit Lahore after the coup for second-track talks which, fortuitously, had been arranged some months ago. These talks and private meetings have provided an impression of how recent events are seen in Pakistan and where they may be leading.What immediately strikes the visitor is that Pakistan has taken its latest military coup with surprising equanimity. The outside world seems more disturbed by it than the man in the Lahore street. This is puzzling to an Indian observer, who is bound to find army rule inherently distasteful. The only public demonstrations after the coup, however, were in support of it and stage-managed by opportunistic politicians.Partly this has to do with the disastrous drop in Nawaz Sharif's popularity. His arbitrary ways cost him heavily. Progressively, he alienated and antagonised the political establishment, the judiciary and, finally, the army.Tales of the opulence of his country mansion at Raiwind circulate, telling of corruption on a grand scale, for which he has been arraigned and will be tried. Nobody has a good word for him today. Yet, just weeks ago, he enjoyed a commanding majority in Parliament. What went wrong for him?Such questions are seldom raised in Pakistan. Every conceivable failing is attributed to the former prime minister to justify getting rid of him, and parliamentary rule, too. To the Sharif family is ascribed boundless ambition: younger brother Shahbaz, it is suggested, was aiming to supplant Nawaz as prime minister, pushing him up into the presidency. This would more truly reflect their respective abilities and temperament. Such wisdom as the family commands is limited to the father, who had warned his headstrong progeny not to tangle with the army.Political commentary does not go much beyond such personalised observations. There is great preoccupation with the endless game of who's in and who's out, of how the pack hasbeen reshuffled. The broader implications of the return to army rule, its chances of earning national and global legitimacy and its impact on the enduring problems of the country receive no attention for the moment.Many Pakistanis feel that their country's institutions have crumbled away. Sharif stands accused of systematically reducing institutions and bending them to his purpose. Not much evidence is provided but the belief is virtually absolute. The only institution that held firm against his domineering ways is the army. So there is relief that the army has stepped in before it became too late.The external observer may well be confused by this sentiment. The army consumes a vastly disproportionate share of the national wealth. It has spread into all parts of national life - law and order, welfare, housing, commerce, to name a few. Its military adventurism has brought rebuff upon rebuff, most recently in Kargil. Yet it has not lost the support of the public. On the contrary, there is somethingapproaching satisfaction that it has stepped in to stem the rot. Pakistan's experience of democracy has not been inspiring enough to create any nostalgia for the ousted politicians.The new chief executive seems an unexceptional personality. He has not earlier occupied the sort of post that would bring him to special notice. Surprisingly, within an army with strong ties to the USA, he is reported never to have visited America. He spent many years in Turkey and speaks that country's language. He is, of course, a Mohajir, though that may not count for much. Musharraf is not regarded as out of the ordinary in professional ability or ambition; he is seen as a sturdy, unyielding sort of person.Musharraf has been called a fundamentalist by some commentators. It may be more correct to see him as a middle-of-the-road person in his beliefs and habits. He has projected himself as a family man, letting photographs of himself and his family to be taken with their dogs his wife's lack of a veil and the presence ofthe animals both raising fundamentalist eyebrows.What is not clear is whether Musharraf will be able to develop the policies or provide the leadership to tackle the many problems his country faces. His mastery of the necessary skills is far from proven and the direction in which his temperament and disposition will drive his country is yet to be revealed. All one can see so far is a no-nonsense, military disciplinarian who is determined to bring the former prime minister to book.The growth of fundamentalist sentiment in Pakistan is a phenomenon that worries many within that country and outside. We saw notices advertising the meeting of the Lashkar-i-Tayyeba in Lahore where this militant organisation brazenly threatened India with terrorist attack. Less directly threatening but not less telling as a sign of fundamentalist resurgence was the massive meeting of the Tablighi Jamaat which took place at a site near Lahore. The extreme religious parties may be thin in parliament but the active projection ofreligious sentiment is very evident.While fundamentalist groups have a free run, there is realisation at some levels that they can do great harm. Pakistan's unlimited backing of the Taliban is seen by some as a big mistake. There was no chance of achieving the aim of virtually integrating the two countries under Pakistani hegemony and the threat to Pakistan itself by the Taliban could become grave.India remains the central issue. Pakistanis we met urged resumption of engagement and dialogue. For them, the eviction of Sharif has consigned all that he was associated with, good and bad, into the dustbin. This includes Kargil. Now that there is a new regime, it is argued, India should re-engage with Pakistan and resume discussions. There is no need to be too squeamish: after all, India did business with Ayub and Zia, so why not with Musharraf? The argument remains unconvincing to Indian listeners who have not forgotten Kargil so readily. There is thus a considerable gap to fill before dialogue takesplace.The international reaction against Pakistan's military coup has been sharp, especially that of the Commonwealth. Yet there is no great sense of isolation or ostracism in Lahore. Major powers, notably the USA, have pulled their punches. Musharraf's visits to Turkey and some Gulf countries tread a familiar path. The outside world does not look threatening, though it may appear disapproving. When the chief executive makes it known periodically that the army is going to be around for quite a while, there is no world outcry. So Musharraf can set about consolidating his regime.What will be decisive, say Pakistani analysts, will be the success of his internal policies. The enfeebled economy is the top agenda item. Sectarian strife is another, besides corruption and many more. Well down the list is the resumption of normal political activity. Some analysts feel that while Musharraf has assembled a number of persons of integrity and talent to support him, it will not be easy to shape them into a team. Timewill tell.The writer is a former foreign secretary
