Opinion In Amrit Kaal, a lesson from the tragedies of Krishna
Mrinal Pande writes: We are witnessing the infantilisation of a democracy and its gods
Mrinal Pande writes: Like Gandhi, Krishna was the builder of an almost impossible democratic coalition. And both paid for their uncompromising stand. (Illustration: C R Sasikumar) 
It is entirely natural that in the Amrit Kaal old leaders’ fancy should turn to thoughts of history. Last week, elaborate celebrations were mounted to celebrate the 75th anniversary of India’s independence and its heroes were chosen by those who had either stood with the British or just watched the long struggle without taking sides. Even the history of the creation of our national flag was altered to suit current thinking, ejecting from it the sizeable contribution of non-Hindu designers.
Anyway, it was decided to do away with khadi, and print as many tirangas as possible so each house could display one. We soon saw strings of tricolour balloons stretching from the sedate old ladies on Raisina Hill to that centurion sahib among Indian clubs, the Delhi Gymkhana. As though our Republic was not a 75-year-old democratic entity but a toddler celebrating his/her “budday”.
Netas delivered thunderous speeches in praise of India today from the ramparts of old forts, gesticulating and enthralling their loyal audiences like some latter-day Sohrab Modi, that old lion from Parsi theatre belting out classic dialogues penned by Agha Hashra Kashmiri: “Chal e hava, khoob zoron se chal ! Ai baadal itni shiddat se baras ki sub doob jaye !”
The speeches over, the celebratory spirit was dampened somewhat by the release of 11 men convicted of raping a pregnant Muslim woman and killing her little daughter. To add salt to the hapless woman’s wounds, the nation saw images of the 11 men being welcomed by their right-wing supporters with laddoos. But soon, TV channels undertook damage control. Bhajans started and screens were filled with images of the preparations for Janmashtami, baby Krishna’s birthday. The debates on political controversies gave way to songs celebrating Krishna’s birth and schoolgirls dancing as Radha and Krishna.
This year, the celebrations were spread over two days, we heard, due to some inauspicious star formations. So, the colourful spectacles were repeated. Sweet shops were full. No one saw it fit to question a sudden two-rupee per litre rise in the price of milk, on the eve of the birthday of Krishna, the lover of milk, butter and cream! On the streets, billboards came up overnight with greetings to all Hindus. They were put up by mohalla leaders whose photos graced the boards, along with their mobile numbers. They promised elaborate puja rituals, free meals, ice cream bhandaras and chhappan bhog pujas and maha aartis. Shops did brisk business too, selling plastic, metal or china icons of a plump baby Krishna on all fours holding a laddoo.
The present-day image of the mischievous baby Krishna emerged from the Puranas. In the 14th century, which was also a time of great political turmoil and displacements within India, it got a big boost. Medieval kingdoms had created localised systems capable of defending their hegemony but incapable of satisfying the people and raising strong defences to meet big challenges. Suddenly, as Hinduism faced the Islamic challenges, city after city began collapsing. Communities already divided by caste stopped being of much use to the city-states. It was at this fearful, melancholic hour that the Bhakti movement came from the South. The people, defeated and hurting, were happy to be swept into kirtans and poetry that asked their gods to save their souls.
In the 15th century, mystic Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, believed to have been the avatar of both Radha and Krishna, led the Bhakti movement into Bengali homes and the concept then travelled with him to Brijbhumi. Soon, the North Indian plains were ringing with “Hare Krishna, Hare Radhe, Hare Hare”. Interestingly, they chose a Krishna frolicking on the banks of the Yamuna and stealing butter, teasing and flirting with gopikas at Brijbhumi.
Why were they — as we are now — largely in denial about the Krishna of the Mahabharata? Our ancestors had probably lost hope. But we who have lived in a democratic republic for 75 years still avert our eyes from Krishna of Dwarka, a great statesman and the builder of some of our earliest republics. The Shanti Parva in the Mahabharata answers this. It introduces us to Krishna as a democrat with a long and painful history of playing the pacifist and being bullied, badgered and even cursed by those he wished to guide. Like Gandhi, Krishna the rajanya (kingmaker) in Dwarka, is a sad and somewhat disillusioned hero surrounded by squabbling and greedy power-seekers with petty minds.
On the eve of the great Mahabharata war, Krishna confides in sage Narada that his hefty brother Balaram has only bal (physical strength), prince Gada is too young and son Pradyumna is a playboy in love with himself. The chiefs of the Andhaka and Vrishni groups are powerful, but too preoccupied with avenging their honour and grabbing more power. With the exception of Dwarka, I have become, says Krishna, like the mother of two gamblers — she wants one to win, but not at the cost of the other one.
Narada tells Krishna, for better or worse you are the head of the coalition. Thou shalt not destroy the basic principles of democracy. So throw out the troublemakers and lead from the front as king. But a true democrat, Krishna shrugs off kingship and allows his chosen man, Akrur, to continue as the head. Thus, Krishna’s Dwarka remains the only republic in the coalition whose leaders, he ordered, must fight with their armies on the side of Duryodhana. But Krishna himself, as per his promise, would be an unarmed charioteer for his friend Arjuna. Krishna disregarded Narada’s advice to dethrone petty squabblers, and remained a peacenik through the war only to be cursed by Gandhari whose sons he had allowed to use his armies.
Once again, the air is thick with man-made pollution, both environmental and emitted by a war that all of us, directly or indirectly, are being sucked into. What should we do with leaders who are straight out of The Wizard of Oz? Do we lift the curtain and recoil in horror? Or do we let that be and understand properly our own actual needs and locate a leader who is a builder, not destroyer of coalitions? Who does not see urbanisation and industrialisation as the keys to being a modern global guru? This hellish circle of creating a mirage of modernisation followed by the rapturous songs of evangelical Bhakti can be broken only by one who will shape and execute the right deeds along with the right thoughts, and not lecture people about five pledges from a high podium and then leave them to fight a decisive battle while he enjoys the power and the glory of being supremo.
Like Gandhi, Krishna was the builder of an almost impossible democratic coalition. And both paid for their uncompromising stand. Gandhi was killed by a Hindu fanatic who shot him for not being majoritarian. Krishna was, according to lore, killed by the arrow of a hunter who thought his soft red feet were a deer’s belly while the younger generations in his republic fought each other to extinction. The war has to be fought anew by each generation, for peace and coexistence, against the law of the jungle. Those of us who just watched from the sidelines as the tragedy unfurled slowly before our eyes have also sinned. Time will not judge us kindly: Samar shesh hai, nahin paap ka bhagi keval vyadh/ Jo tatasth hain, samay likhega unka bhi itihas.
The writer is former chairperson, Prasar Bharati
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