The 2014 Assembly elections in Maharashtra have clearly indicated that there cannot be two players riding the same plank of "Marathi Manoos". At the outset, it is evident that people have preferred Shiv Sena president Uddhav Thackeray over MNS president Raj Thackeray. Out of the 288 seats, MNS managed to win only Junnar (district Pune) Assembly seat while in 2009, the party had won 13 seats. Having failed to retain its turf, the party now faces questions about its future. MNS leader Bala Nandgaonkar said, "Elections and organisational work are two different things. An election outcome cannot become a parameter to judge the future of an party which connects with the sons of the soil." In the 2009 Assembly polls, the MNS was a key player as it not only won 13 seats but also played the role of a spoiler giving advantage to the ruling Congress and NCP. The MNS has always targeted the same 26 per cent vote bank in Mumbai which is the traditional base of Sena. The going was tough for Raj Thackeray from the very start this time. After the Lok Sabha elections in which the party lost deposits in all the 10 seats it had contested, Assembly became a battle for survival. The defeat of Nitin Sardesai (Mahim) and Bala Nandgaonkar (Sewri), among others, was an indication that people preferred Sena over MNS. "The results are very surprising and we will have to analyse what went wrong," said Nandgaonkar. With the breaking up of alliances in the state, many in MNS believed that they would stand a better chance in the multi-cornered contest between Congress, NCP, Shiv Sena and BJP. Raj Thackeray approached the electorate with an ardent plea for a chance. However, his assurances failed to connect with the people as they did not see him as an alternative. While the MNS banked completely on its well-researched blue print for Maharashtra, Raj Thackeray could not put it across assertively before the people. The anti-Narendra Modi campaign of the MNS which was identical to that of the Sena appeared to send the signal that the estranged cousins - Uddhav and Raj - were working together. Given a choice, the Marathi voters preferred the elder brother Uddhav over Raj. Moreover, despite their anti-Modi pitch both Uddhav and Raj could not consolidate their vote bank or increase their electoral tally. Thus proving that the anti-Modi pitch which may have worked in Mumbai did not find buyers in the rest of Maharashtra. Political managers in the MNS admit, "We clearly lacked in organisational strength at the grass roots in Maharashtra. In the multi-cornered contest things got more complex. The entire campaign and strategy was left to Raj alone." The MNS, which always flourished in the face of a potential emotive plank, was found grappling with serious issues and appeared confused. It had raised the issue related to exploitation of toll taxes in the state but could not pursue the same to its logical end. One one hand it could not provide concrete long-term programmes that would engage people either on the issue of providing employment or the rights of 'bhoomiputra'; and on the other hand it was found frequently cornered and questioned in civic bodies where it had power.
