Chandrababu Naidu interview: ‘There is a sentiment for caste census, you must honour it… (use it) to reduce economic disparities’

“We (TDP and BJP) will have ideological differences, but we will work together … we both have our compulsions. But what’s important is how we work for the nation,” says Andhra Pradesh CM.

• Written by Ritika Chopra
• New Delhi | Updated: October 11, 2024 07:32 AM IST
19 min read

"Caste census has to be done. There is a sentiment, and there's nothing wrong with it. You do a caste census, you do an economic analysis, and you go for a skill census," Naidu said.

Wearing a well-ironed crisp yellow shirt, N Chandrababu Naidu, 74, a veteran of coalition politics, visited New Delhi to meet the Prime Minister and key Cabinet ministers for the fourth time since he took charge as the Chief Minister on June 12 this year. From the lessons he learnt since he first fought elections in 1978 to welfare and revdi politics and ideological differences with the BJP, Naidu spoke with The Indian Express for over 90 minutes in his first interview to a newspaper as the 13th Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh.

You have completed 100 days in office. What are your immediate and long-term priorities?

My focus is on creating infrastructure and a knowledge economy. Hyderabad is a model of this—IT, biotech, pharma, finance, and human resource development, combined with world-class roads and an airport, which I initiated 25 years ago. These developments brought wealth and employment.

For Andhra Pradesh, I see immense potential in the east coast’s port-led manufacturing and green energy—especially green hydrogen. My earlier reforms in the power sector paved the way for this. We also need to tap into electronics manufacturing, EV production, and agro-processing.

Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu during a interview at his 1 Janpath house in New Delhi. (Express photo by Renuka Puri)

Now, my focus is not just on the ease of doing business but the speed of doing business. Real-time progress is essential. I set time limits, track progress closely, and take feedback from entrepreneurs to ensure accountability. Speed is the need of the hour.

By 2047, I aim to make Andhra Pradesh a premier state with a focus on employment generation and poverty eradication.

You have held many meetings on a new industrial policy to attract private investment. What are the key elements that will give Andhra an edge over its neighbouring states?

The key to success is building a strong brand, be it for a leader or a state. Hyderabad is a prime example of how a well-established reputation sustains growth across governments. I’m crafting a clear, forward-looking industrial strategy, emphasising ease of doing business. Andhra Pradesh has unique strengths, particularly in green energy. With abundant solar and wind resources, and the potential for pumped energy in the Deccan plateau, we are well-positioned for green energy and green hydrogen. So these two are a deadly combination. Our seven ports will also allow for significant exports in this sector.

Additionally, we have strengths in horticulture, aquaculture, and food processing, as well as electronics, hardware, pharma, and even the automobile industry. Just as I transformed Hyderabad into a leading city, competing with Bangalore, I’m confident Andhra Pradesh will thrive by leveraging these advantages.

How critical is land acquisition for your industrial plans? Does the government or industrial corporations already have sufficient land banks, or is there a need for more?

Sometimes priorities are misunderstood. We need land for both housing and industry, but balance is key. For instance, I acquired significant land for industrial development, but my successor (Jagan) used much of it for house sites. While housing is important, we can’t sacrifice employment opportunities by giving away all the land for homes. Now I have to acquire land for industry.

Historically, I never faced challenges in acquiring land. For Hyderabad airport, I secured 5,000 acres, and for Amaravati, I successfully pooled 33,000 acres. Now, we want to add another P to the PPP model — public-private-people partnership (PPPP). Farmers can pool their land, while developers handle infrastructure, creating win-win situations for everyone. Farmers will benefit in a big way.

The “Super Six” welfare schemes are a huge cost on the exchequer. What forced you to go for competitive populism?

Since the economic reforms of 1991, we’ve seen major shifts. Before reforms, growth was stagnant, but post-reforms, wealth was created. However, over the past 33 years—from 1991 to 2024—we’ve seen wealth increasingly concentrated in a few hands. The expected trickle-down hasn’t worked as hoped, and now we need a different model altogether.

Aspirations have risen, and public policies must strike a balance between welfare and development. Jagan focused solely on welfare, ignoring wealth creation and revenue generation. I promised both. After taking office, I found the state burdened with a massive debt of over ₹10.5 lakh crores and broken institutions. so it will take time to fix things. Already, we’ve implemented a ₹4,000 minimum pension, costing ₹33,000 crores annually. Other initiatives like Anna canteens have started, and we are focusing on balancing welfare with development as we move forward.

Against the backdrop of the financial challenges you have just mentioned, what are the two to three things you want to do to help the state’s financial recovery in the next five years?

One key factor is that we are part of the central government, and they’re offering some support, especially due to the bifurcation. We’ve restarted projects like Amravati and Polavaram, which will put us on a development path. I’m also working hard to attract major investments into the state and tighten up the functioning of all departments.

“I’ve always had a vision for the entire Telugu community,” Naidu said. (Express photo by Renuka Puri)

We’re using both central and state funds efficiently, and I’m exploring innovative ways to boost revenue without burdening the common man. I’ve also directed my departments to study neighbouring states and national-level practices to adopt any beneficial approaches.

You’ve long been a champion of federalism. Many southern states often express concerns about limited powers to generate resources. How do you view the challenge of resource generation?

Resource constraints are a challenge for any government, but the only real solution is wealth creation. As you create wealth, your revenue generation naturally increases, allowing you to balance welfare and development effectively. There are no shortcuts—this is a proven approach worldwide.

As Chief Minister, you invested heavily in developing Hyderabad, but it went to Telangana. In hindsight, do you think the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh was a good idea?

I’ve always had a vision for the entire Telugu community, and yes, I developed Hyderabad into one of the best cities. But bifurcation has happened, and I can’t dwell on regrets or continue commenting on it. The Telugu community in Telangana got Hyderabad, and that’s the reality. My focus now is on building Andhra Pradesh.

When we started rebuilding Andhra in 2014, we were among the top three in economic growth. Unfortunately, the ecosystem we had built has been completely destroyed over the last five years, and now I have to rebuild from scratch.

Comparing Telangana now isn’t helpful. It’s been 10 years since bifurcation—what’s done is done… Good or bad, we must move forward.

On pending issues between Andhra and Telangana, which ones would you prioritise?

We recently had a meeting where both sides discussed these issues. We agreed to first have officers from both sides sit together to re-articulate and resolve the pending matters. Following that, ministers from Andhra and Telangana will meet to sort things out.

I don’t want to comment on the issues now since any comment will have an implication. My aim is to resolve these issues amicably. With central support and cooperation from Telangana, we can move forward and compete together. That is my ultimate goal.

You won the state election in 2014, lost in 2019, and now you are back in power. In between, you also spent 51 days in jail. What political lessons have you learned from both your moments of strength and weakness over the past decade?

It’s been more than 10 years of challenges. I first became Chief Minister in 1995, and now I’m in my fourth term. One key lesson I’ve learned is that whenever I became overly obsessed with achieving things quickly, I faced setbacks. In 1995 and 1999, I won with sweeping victories, but in 2004, I lost because I was too focused on doing everything at once—hosting Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, putting Andhra on the world map. That loss set me back for 10 years.

In 2014, I returned to power, and while Telangana developed, I saw it as a result of my work on Hyderabad. Then again, I became obsessed with doing more for Andhra, and I lost in 2019. Those five years were painful for the state, with a lot of damage done to our progress, setting us back 20-30 years.

Now, I’m focused on rebuilding, but I’ve learned that it’s essential to be systematic and patient. I have the experience and know what to do, but it’s crucial to balance welfare and development. I must communicate with the people continuously, be transparent, and explain my actions. Feeling genuine and earning the people’s trust is more important. When you are obsessed, you may not communicate properly, you may not listen. That’s how I plan to move forward, listening, solving, and convincing the public with sincerity and balance.

Religion has increasingly influenced political outcomes in India… What is your assessment of the 2024 election results?

From my experience, leadership is the most decisive factor in elections. This was my 10th election, and over the years, I’ve observed that while various factors can influence outcomes, it is the confidence people have in a leader that ultimately matters. In 2014, Narendra Modi was elected because people believed in his leadership. The same happened in 2019. Now, in 2024, despite a smaller majority, he was elected for a third time, which is not an easy feat—few leaders in Indian history have managed that. Even Indira Gandhi faced significant setbacks.

The people trust Modi because they see him delivering and making a difference. Leadership, more than any other factor, drives electoral success. In my own career, I’ve sometimes been imbalanced in my approach, but Modi has found a way to maintain balance, and that’s why he continues to succeed. As the senior-most politician in the country, this is my assessment of the 2024 elections.

You are an important ally of the BJP in the current Lok Sabha equation. Having been part of the NDA under Narendra Modi from 2014 to 2018, and now again, do you see any difference in the relationship between TDP and BJP, especially given your role as a kingmaker?

From the beginning, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) has always prioritised maintaining credibility and stability. This has been our strength throughout our history. In politics, you win some, you lose some, but stability is what sets us apart. Since 1996-97, we’ve been a key player in the NDA, supporting Atal Bihari Vajpayee Ji for six and a half years without seeking positions—our focus was always on state and national development. From 2014-19, when BJP had a majority, we were partners, and even had two ministers.

“From my experience, leadership is the most decisive factor in elections,” said Chandrababu Naidu. (Express photo by Renuka Puri)

Now, once again, we are part of the alliance, and together we have a majority. I see no significant difference in the relationship; our focus remains the same—working together for the progress of this great nation.

Has there been any change in the BJP’s attitude toward TDP?

No, I don’t see any change. The only difference we had previously was over the issue of special status for the state. Whether that was right or wrong is a separate issue. Today, we still have the same respect, coordination, and shared purpose as before.

Southern states have always been concerned about the impact of delimitation on their representation in Parliament. Has this issue been discussed within the NDA, and how do you view it?

India currently benefits from a demographic dividend, while many countries are grappling with aging populations. This advantage will last until 2047, after which we’ll see a natural decline. South India, with a lower fertility rate, is already facing the aging issue, and it will gradually impact North India as well. Balancing demographic management is crucial. It’s time for South India to engage in discussions on this to ensure that demographic shifts are managed well.

But do you worry about the Southern States’ voice being diminished in Parliament?

I’m not worried. Southern states had the initial advantage due to economic reforms, and we’ve progressed. Now, North India is starting to benefit as well. Regarding political representation, I don’t think there will be significant changes. Historically, both Assembly and Parliament seats have been fixed in respect to the states. For example, Andhra Pradesh has 25 MPs, and I believe 25 MPs will be there, depending on population, seats will be divided. Same thing has to continue.

Is there a coordination mechanism with allies? If yes, are you or is your party taken into confidence before decisions like the Waqf Bill are taken?

No, we have given our opinion. In Parliament also, we are working on that.

But what about sensitive issues..

Then I can always pick up the phone and call them and let them know our opinion.

 In the Tirupati laddu issue, it took the Supreme Court to finally emphasise that religion should be kept separate from politics. Isn’t that a criticism of your government’s handling of this issue?

Throughout my life, I have always maintained religious harmony. When the Balaji temple faced issues, I acted swiftly. There were complaints about the deterioration of the laddu quality, and there were agitations. When I returned (to power), I appointed the right people to go for reforms. We sent laddu samples for NABL accreditation, and we received reports.

There is no political controversy from my end. I have only spoken on maintaining purity and sanctity. The Supreme Court also recognised this, acknowledging that it was a matter of devotee sentiments, which needed to be protected. We welcomed their decision (to set up an independent SIT), and the reforms are continuing.

When Jagan’s faith came up before his visit to the temple.. that was seen as an attempt to pigeon-hole and stereotype Reddy (who happens to be a Christian) as a minority community politician…

No, no, it’s not about that. What I’m saying is, if I go to a church, I must follow their customs. If I go to a masjid, I respect their traditions. Similarly, when anyone visits Tirupati, there are certain traditions and rules that must be followed. You cannot violate them. Jagan saying he wouldn’t follow these traditions, since he didn’t have to do it as CM, is not correct. If you made a mistake as Chief Minister doesn’t mean you can continue to make that mistake.

But your ally (Pawan Kalyan) is very enthusiastic about this and Sanatan Dharma..

People can have their own ideas, and there’s nothing wrong with that. But ultimately, everything needs to be balanced. We are doing that—balancing. If something happens to your God, you will naturally feel hurt. That’s what I’m saying—nobody has the right to disturb such deep sentiments.

There’s been criticism from opposition leaders about the use of state machinery to target rivals. You’ve had a similar experience during your arrest. What’s your take on these accusations?

In some states, yes, this has happened. But if there’s any solid evidence, then naturally, enquiries have to be conducted. Without evidence, nothing can be done—that’s not correct.

Even centrally, agencies like ED and CBI seem to be used disproportionately against opposition leaders…

I do not want to comment on the merits of the cases. If there is evidence, then they (agencies) have to act. For instance, in my case, there was nothing they could prove.